- Sudhiksha Innanje B.A. LL.B, PES University

The infamous MQ-9 Reaper drones, which cost about $30 million apiece, are a revolting weapon of war and symbols of destruction that the U.S. military and CIA have flown for years over Afghanistan, Iraq, and now Yemen. Is Yemen just another helpless casualty of American interference, tossed into a growing pool of devastated nations like Afghanistan, Laos, and Vietnam, sacrificed to make some point? With the conflict in Yemen still raging, let us explore what brought the country to this breaking point and the roles of various state and non-state actors in fuelling this crisis.

The maps above illustrate the estimated distribution of Sunni and Shia Muslims in West Asia. Historically, Saudi Arabia, a monarchy known as the birthplace of Islam and the home to two of Islam’s holiest sites, Mecca and Medina, has positioned itself as the leader of the Muslim world. But eventually, this authority was significantly challenged in 1979 by Iran’s Islamic Revolution, which replaced the monarchy with a revolutionary theocracy. Along with the many changes that happened in this region, precedent and following Iran’s revolution such as the formation of OPEC and the Gulf War respectively, this shift in governance not only redefined governance in Iran but also inspired political and religious movements across the Islamic world of West Asia, leading to a deepened rivalry between the two nations. Since then, the longstanding Sunni-Shia divide between Saudi Arabia and Iran has only fuelled more regional conflicts, with Saudi Arabia, a Sunni-majority monarchy, and Iran, a Shia-led theocracy, using proxy wars to expand their influence across West Asia. 

Since then, Iran and Saudi Arabia have engaged in this long-standing proxy war, using conflicts in neighbouring countries to expand their influence, all while the United States has played a significant role in this dynamic, consistently backing Saudi Arabia. A major instance of U.S. involvement was the 2003 invasion of Iraq, which was framed as an effort to counter terrorism and promote regional stability. However, it is important to note that Osama bin Laden, the mastermind behind the 9/11 attacks, was not in Iraq but was later found and killed in Pakistan in 2011. The invasion led to long-term instability, raising ongoing debates about the true motives and consequences of U.S. military actions in the region. As the story of most conflicts goes, the bigger and more privileged nations get to exploit the smaller ones, only increasing the damage caused. 

Fast forward to the present conflict in Yemen, where the U.S. has once again intervened, using the usual narrative of the need to protect global trade and counter-terrorism as justification for a defence to the same. On March 17, 2024, the Houthi-run Health Ministry reported that U.S. airstrikes killed at least 53 people, including five women and two children, and wounded nearly 100 others in Sana’a and other provinces. The Houthis, an Iran-backed rebel group, have been accused of attacking Israel-linked ships in the Red Sea, a vital global trade route. However, the question remains: While acknowledging the presence of groups that cause internal disturbances in a state, whether state or non-state actors, who holds the U.S. accountable for its repeated military interference? And is its intervention truly achieving its stated goals of promoting peace and countering terrorism?

The Conflict in Yemen: A Timeline

The history of Yemen’s civil war crisis can be traced back to the Houthi insurgency in 2004 when the Zaidi Shia rebel group in northern Yemen accused the government of corruption and discrimination. Tensions escalated during the Arab Spring in 2011, eventually leading to mass protests and the resignation of President Ali Abdullah Saleh. His successor, Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, struggled to maintain stability, and by 2014, the Houthis seized control of Sana’a and much of northern Yemen, forcing Hadi to flee. With the onset of internal conflicts, the direct intervention of non-state actors began in 2015, when a Saudi-led coalition backed by the U.S. and Western allies launched airstrikes to restore Hadi’s government. This intervention triggered a devastating war that has killed thousands and created one of the world's worst humanitarian crises, going largely unnoticed. Parallelly, as retaliation, the Houthis strengthened their ties with Iran, which seemed to have its interests in this conflict and launched attacks on Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Red Sea shipping routes. Subsequently, the U.S. and its allies escalated military strikes against the Houthis, particularly after recent attacks on global trade vessels. This continues to this day, where poor civilians remain stranded and torn between the conflict of extremist groups, the breakdown of state machinery, and relentless international interventions.

The Human Cost of War

The United Nations has characterised the conflict in Yemen as one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, and like in every such conflict, civilians suffer the most, especially vulnerable groups such as women, children, and the elderly. The conflict has fuelled lawlessness, allowing war crimes such as rape and murder to go unpunished and largely unnoticed Essential services like healthcare and education have collapsed, and resources are funnelled into warfare. For ordinary Yemenis, survival itself has become an uphill battle, with famine, disease, and displacement becoming the entirety of their lives. Who is to be held accountable for this mass destruction of human rights, suffered by people through almost no fault of their own? Does the absence of any mechanism to hold perpetrators accountable signify a failure in the international consensus on what delivery of justice truly means?

Among the many dangers that Yemenis face is the landmine crisis, which continues to kill and injure civilians long after active battles have ceased. Houthi forces and other factions have planted landmines extensively, preventing farmers from accessing their land and endangering entire communities. According to Human Rights Watch, this use of landmines directly violates Yemeni law and the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty, which prohibits the use of antipersonnel landmines under any circumstances. Despite this, people continue to fall victim to these landmines, which leave irreversible consequences on them.

The Landmine Crisis in Yemen

The landmine crisis in Yemen has worsened dramatically since the civil war began in 2014. Mines are often hidden in farms, roads, and villages, making daily life a challenge. The Houthis bear significant responsibility for their widespread deployment, using them to defend territory and hinder opposing forces.

According to the Masam demining initiative, from 2014 through December 2024, landmines caused 4,501 deaths and 5,083 injuries, totalling 9,584 civilian casualties. The Landmine Monitor 2023 report further highlights that Yemen had over 500 casualties in 2022 alone, one of the highest globally. Efforts to clear these mines have been ongoing. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), in collaboration with the Yemen Executive Mine Action Centre (YEMAC), cleared 81,000 explosive devices in 2022, including 861 anti-personnel landmines and 9,054 anti-vehicle landmines. This effort reduced risks across 6.5 million square meters of land, benefiting over one million Yemenis. 

Despite numerous initiatives, landmines remain a silent but deadly threat to civilians, especially in areas that have already been affected by conflict, since they had been planted earlier. These hidden explosives don’t just maim or kill; they force families to flee their homes, break down communities, and leave deep scars that last a lifetime. Entire regions and communities together live fearfully, unable to farm their land, move freely, or access even the most basic services. In every sense, landmines have trapped the people of Yemen in a cycle of helplessness and survival. The international community continues to call for comprehensive demining efforts and urges all responsible stakeholders to comply with international treaties that ban the use of landmines. However, as long as the war continues, the suffering of Yemen’s people will persist.

Accountability of USA

According to a detailed report on US counterterrorism actions in Yemen under President Donald Trump between 2017 and 2020 by Airwars, a London-based non-profit group that tracks air conflicts, during Trump’s presidency, 41 of 230 U.S. actions had civilian harm allegations, with at least 86 to 154 civilians killed, including 28 children and 13 women. Civilian harm attribution is difficult due to overlapping U.S. military and CIA operations and Yemen’s complex civil war. However, at least 63 civilians were confirmed killed in 20 U.S.-acknowledged strikes, while 23 more likely died in undeclared actions, some possibly by the CIA. Notably, U.S. ground raids, though rare, accounted for 40% of likely civilian deaths. 

Furthermore, reports by the United States Government Accountability Office have pointed out that the U.S. government has not consistently evaluated the impact of its military support in Yemen. The report states that the State and Department of Defence need better information on the civilian impacts of U.S. military support to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Yet, despite the extensive involvement of the U.S. in this multi-state conflict in West Asia, it has neither faced sanctions for its actions nor been thoroughly evaluated and publicly released the impact of its interventions. One could argue that other perpetrators are involved too, but that does not negate the fact that almost none of them, including the U.S., are being held to account to the extent of the destruction being caused to harmless civilians. One of the major reasons why the United States, in particular, has not faced formal international sanctions for its involvement in West Asian conflicts is that, as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council with veto power, the U.S. can block resolutions against its actions, making the imposition of UN sanctions unlikely. For instance, the U.S. has used its veto power at least 34 times to block UN Security Council resolutions critical of Israel. The veto power has been consistently used, not only by the U.S. to protect its own interests, but by other permanent members of the UN Security Council as well. This practice has highlighted a major flaw in the system, as the veto often shields powerful countries from accountability, even in cases involving mass civilian harm or war crimes. There needs to be a global push to address this imbalance, particularly by initiating dialogues on limiting or abolishing the veto power in situations where its use perpetuates immunity. History has shown that the current system, far from ensuring justice, often allows influential states to avoid responsibility for their actions. While there have been calls for investigations, restrictions on arms sales, and greater accountability, particularly regarding civilian casualties linked to U.S. actions, these have not resulted in formal sanctions against the United States, bringing us back to the question, at times of war and conflict who is there to hold States accountable for violating human rights and whether the various conflicts in west Asia, such as Yemen just another example for the same?

Under international law, particularly the Geneva Conventions and Customary International Humanitarian Law, all parties in an armed conflict must distinguish between combatants and civilians under Rule 1. Reports from Airwars and Human Rights Watch have highlighted repeated U.S. strikes resulting in significant civilian casualties. This raises the possibility of violations of Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions, which applies in non-international armed conflicts like Yemen’s. Article 3, common to all four Geneva Conventions of 1949, establishes a minimum level of protection for persons who are not taking an active part in the armed conflict, including those who have ceased to do so, as well as those who are not directly involved in the fighting. A common defence used by the U.S. is that its actions are lawful under Article 51 of the UN Charter, which permits self-defence in the face of an armed attack. Yet, the opacity of drone warfare, the blending of CIA and military operations, and the frequent absence of post-strike investigations severely undermine any credible claim of compliance with international law. Furthermore, the lack of consent from Yemen’s recognized institutions only further complicates the legitimacy of its involvement.